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Rome At The End Of The Punic Wars
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[Thatcher Introduction]: ROME, with the end of the third Punic war, 146
B. C., had completely conquered the last of the civilized world. The
best authority for this period of her history is Polybius. He was born
in Arcadia, in 204 B. C., and died in 122 B. C. Polybius was an officer
of the Achaean League, which sought by federating the Peloponnesus to
make it strong enough to keep its independence against the Romans, but
Rome was already too strong to be resisted, and arresting a thousand of
the most influential members, sent them to Italy to await trial for
conspiracy. Polybius had the good fortune, during seventeen years
exile, to be allowed to live with the Scipios. He was present at the
destructions of Carthage and Corinth, in 146 B. C., and did more than
anyone else to get the Greeks to accept the inevitable Roman rule.
Polybius is the most reliable, but not the most brilliant, of ancient
historians.
Ancient History Sourcebook:
Polybius (c.200-after 118 BCE):[History, Book 6]
Rome and Carthage Compared:
The government of Carthage seems also to have been originally well
contrived with regard to those general forms that have been mentioned.
For there were kings in this government, together with a senate, which
was vested with aristocratic authority. The people likewise enjoy the
exercise of certain powers that were appropriated to them. In a word,
the entire frame of the republic very much resembled those of Rome and
Sparta. But at the time of the war of Hannibal the Carthaginian
constitution was worse in its condition than the Roman. For as nature
has assigned to every body, every government, and every action, three
successive periods; the first, of growth; the second, of perfection;
and that which follows, of decay; and as the period of perfection is
the time in which they severally display their greatest strength; from
hence arose the difference that was then found between the two
republics. For the government of Carthage, having reached the highest
point of vigor and perfection much sooner than that of Rome, had now
declined from it in the same proportion: whereas the Romans, at this
very time, had just raised their constitution to the most flourishing
and perfect state. The effect of this difference was, that among the
Carthaginians the people possessed the greatest sway in all
deliberations, but the senate among the Romans. And as, in the one
republic, all measures were determined by the multitude; and, in the
other, by the most eminent citizens; of so great force was this
advantage in the conduct of affairs, that the Romans, though brought by
repeated losses into the greatest danger, became, through the wisdom of
their counsels, superior to the Carthaginians in the war.
If we descend to a more particular comparison, we shall find, that with
respect to military science, for example, the Carthaginians, in the
management and conduct of a naval war, are more skillful than the
Romans. For the Carthaginians have derived this knowledge from their
ancestors through a long course of ages; and are more exercised in
maritime affairs than any other people. But the Romans, on the other
hand, are far superior in all things that belong to the establishment
and discipline of armies. For this discipline, which is regarded by
them as the chief and constant object of their care, is utterly
neglected by the Carthaginians; except only that they bestow some
little attention upon their cavalry. The reason of this difference is,
that the Carthaginians employ foreign mercenaries; and that on the
contrary the Roman armies are composed of citizens, and of the people
of the country. Now in this respect the government of Rome is greatly
preferable to that of Carthage. For while the Carthaginians entrust the
preservation of their liberty to the care of venal troops; the Romans
place all their confidence in their own bravery, and in the assistance
of their allies. From hence it happens, that the Romans, though at
first defeated, are always able to renew the war; and that the
Carthaginian armies never are repaired without great difficulty. Add to
this, that the Romans, fighting for their country and their children,
never suffer their ardor to be slackened; but persist with the same
steady spirit till they become superior to their enemies. From hence it
happens, likewise, that even in actions upon the sea, the Romans,
though inferior to the Carthaginians, as we have already observed, in
naval knowledge and experience, very frequently obtain success through
the mere bravery of their forces. For though in all such contests a
skill in maritime affairs must be allowed to be of the greatest use;
yet, on the other hand, the valor of the troops that are engaged is no
less effectual to draw the victory to their side.
Now the people of Italy are by nature superior to the Carthaginians and
the Africans, both in bodily strength, and in courage. Add to this,
that they have among them certain institutions by which the young men
are greatly animated to perform acts of bravery. It will be sufficient
to mention one of these, as a proof of the attention that is shown by
the Roman government, to infuse such a spirit into the citizens as
shall lead them to encounter every kind of danger for the sake of
obtaining reputation in their country. When any illustrious person
dies, he is carried in procession with the rest of the funeral pomp, to
the rostra in the forum; sometimes placed conspicuous in an upright
posture; and sometimes, though less frequently, reclined. And while the
people are all standing round, his son, if he has left one of
sufficient age, and who is then at Rome, or, if otherwise, some person
of his kindred, ascends the rostra, and extols the virtues of the
deceased, and the great deeds that were performed by him in his life.
By this discourse, which recalls his past actions to remembrance, and
places them in open view before all the multitude, not those alone who
were sharers in his victories, but even the rest who bore no part in
his exploits, are moved to such sympathy of sorrow, that the accident
seems rather to be a public misfortune, than a private loss. He is then
buried with the usual rites; and afterwards an image, which both in
features and complexion expresses an exact resemblance of his face, is
set up in the most conspicuous part of the house, inclosed in a shrine
of wood. Upon solemn festivals, these images are uncovered, and adorned
with the greatest care.
And when any other person of the same family dies, they are carried
also in the funeral procession, with a body added to the bust, that the
representation may be just, even with regard to size. They are dressed
likewise in the habits that belong to the ranks which they severally
filled when they were alive. If they were consuls or praetors, in a
gown bordered with purple: if censors, in a purple robe: and if they
triumphed, or obtained any similar honor, in a vest embroidered with
gold. Thus appeared, they are drawn along in chariots preceded by the
rods and axes, and other ensigns of their former dignity. And when they
arrive at the forum, they are all seated upon chairs of ivory; and
there exhibit the noblest objects that can be offered to youthful mind,
warmed with the love of virtue and of glory. For who can behold without
emotion the forms of so many illustrious men, thus living, as it were,
and breathing together in his presence? Or what spectacle can be
conceived more great and striking? The person also that is appointed to
harangue, when he has exhausted all the praises of the deceased, turns
his discourse to the rest, whose images are before him; and, beginning
with the most ancient of them, recounts the fortunes and the exploits
of every one in turn. By this method, which renews continually the
remembrance of men celebrated for their virtue, the fame of every great
and noble action become immortal. And the glory of those, by whose
services their country has been benefited, is rendered familiar to the
people, and delivered down to future times. But the chief advantage is,
that by the hope of obtaining this honorable fame, which is reserved
for virtue, the young men are animated to sustain all danger, in the
cause of the common safety. For from hence it has happened, that many
among the Romans have voluntarily engaged in single combat, in order to
decide the fortune of an entire war. Many also have devoted themselves
to inevitable death; some of them in battle, to save the lives of other
citizens; and some in time of peace to rescue the whole state from
destruction. Others again, who have been invested with the highest
dignities have, in defiance of all law and customs, condemned their own
sons to die; showing greater regard to the advantage of their country,
than to the bonds of nature, and the closest ties of kindred.
Very frequent are the examples of this kind, that are recorded in the
Roman story. I shall here mention one, as a signal instance, and proof
of the truth of all that I have affirmed. Horatius, surnamed Cocles,
being engaged in combat with two enemies, at the farthest extremity of
the bridge that led into Rome across the Tiber, and perceiving that
many others were advancing fast to their assistance, was apprehensive
that they would force their way together into the city. turning
himself, therefore, to his companions that were behind him, he called
to them aloud, that should immediately retire and break the bridge.
While they were employed in this work, Horatius, covered over with
wounds, still maintained the post, and stopped the progress of the
enemy; who were struck with his firmness and intrepid courage, even
more than with the strength of his resistance. And when the bridge was
broken, and the city secured from insult, he threw himself into the
river with his armor, and there lost his life as he had designed:
having preferred the safety of his country, and the future fame that
was sure to follow such an action, to his own present existence, and to
the time that remained for him to live. Such is the spirit, and such
the emulation of achieving glorious action, which the Roman
institutions are fitted to infuse into the minds of youth.
In things that regard the acquisition of wealth, the manners also, and
the customs of the Romans, are greatly preferable to those of the
Carthaginians. Among the latter, nothing is reputed infamous, that is
joined with gain. But among the former, nothing is held more base than
to be corrupted by gifts, or to covet an increase of wealth by means
that are unjust. For as much as they esteem the possession of honest
riches to be fair and honorable, so much, on the other hand, all those
that are amassed by unlawful arts, are viewed by them with horror and
reproach. The truth of this fact is clearly seen in the following
instance. Among the Carthaginians, money is openly employed to obtain
the dignities of the state: but all such proceeding is a capital crime
in Rome. As the rewards, therefore, that are proposed to virtue in the
two republics are so different, it cannot but happen, that the
attention of the citizens to form their minds to virtuous actions must
be also different.
But among all the useful institutions, that demonstrate the superior
excellence of the Roman government, the most considerable perhaps is
the opinion which the people are taught to hold concerning the gods:
and that, which other men regard as an object of disgrace, appears in
my judgment to be the very thing by which this republic chiefly is
sustained. I mean, superstition: which is impressed with all it
terrors; and influences both the private actions of the citizens, and
the public administration also of the state, in a degree that can
scarcely be exceeded. This may appear astonishing to many. To me it is
evident, that this contrivance was at first adopted for the sake of the
multitude. For if it were possible that a state could be composed of
wise men only, there would be no need, perhaps, of any such invention.
But as the people universally are fickle and inconstant, filled with
irregular desires, too precipitate in their passions, and prone to
violence; there is no way left to restrain them, but by the dread of
things unseen, and by the pageantry of terrifying fiction. The
ancients, therefore, acted not absurdedly, nor without good reason,
when they inculcated the notions concerning the gods, and the belief of
infernal punishments; but much more those of the present age are to be
charged with rashness and absurdity, in endeavoring to extirpate these
opinions. For, not to mention effects that flow from such an
institution, if, among the Greeks, for example, a single talent only be
entrusted to those who have the management of any of the public money;
though they give ten written sureties, with as many seals and twice as
many witnesses, they are unable to discharge the trusts reposed in them
with integrity. But the Romans, on the other hand, who in the course of
their magistracies, and in embassies, disperse the greatest sums, are
prevailed on by the single obligation of an oath to perform their
duties with inviolable honesty. And as, in other states, a man is
rarely found whose hands are pure from public robbery; so, among the
Romans, it is no less rare to discover one that is tainted with this
crime. But all things are subject to decay and change. This is a truth
so evident, and so demonstrated by the perpetual and the necessary
force of nature, that it needs no other proof.
Now there are two ways by which every kind of government is destroyed;
either by some accident that happens from without, or some evil that
arises within itself. What the first will be is not always easy to
foresee: but the latter is certain and determinate. We have already
shown what are the original and what: the secondary forms of
government; and in what manner also they are reciprocally converted
each into the other. Whoever, therefore, is able to connect the
beginning with the end in this enquiry, will be able also to declare
with some assurance what will be the future fortune of the Roman
government. At least in my judgment nothing is more easy. For when a
state, after having passed with safety through many and great dangers,
arrives at the highest degree of power, and possesses an entire and
undisputed sovereignty; it is manifest that the long continuance of
prosperity must give birth to costly and luxurious manners, and that
the minds of men will be heated with ambitious contest, and become too
eager and aspiring in the pursuit of dignities. And as these evils are
continually increased, the desire of power and rule, and the imagined
ignominy of remaining in a subject state, will first begin to work the
ruin of the republic; arrogance and luxury will afterwards advance it:
and in the end the change will be completed by the people; as the
avarice of some is found to injure and oppress them, and the ambition
of others swells their vanity and poisons them with flattering hopes.
For then, being with rage, and following only the dictates of their
passions, they no longer will submit to any control, or be contented
with an equal share of the administration, in conjunction with their
rulers; but will draw to themselves the entire sovereignty and supreme
direction of all affairs. When this is done, the government will assume
indeed the fairest of all names, that of a free and popular state; but
will, in truth, be the greatest of all evils, the government of the
multitude.
As we have thus sufficiently explained the constitution and the growth
of the Roman government; have marked the causes of that greatness in
which it now subsists; and shown by comparison, in what view it may be
judged inferior, and in what superior, to other states; we shall here
close this discourse. But as every skillful artist offers some piece of
work to public view, as a proof of his abilities: in the same manner we
also, taking some part of history that is connected with the times from
which we were led into this digression and making a short recital of
one single action, shall endeavor to demonstrate by fact as well as
words what was the strength, and how great the vigor, which at that
time were displayed by this republic.
When Hannibal, after the battle of Cannae, had taken prisoners eight
thousand of the Romans, who were left to guard the camp; he permitted
them to send a deputation to Rome, to treat of their ransom and
redemption. Ten persons, the most illustrious that were among them,
were appointed for this purpose: and the general, having first
commanded them to swear that they would return to him again, suffered
them to depart. But one of the number, as soon as they had passed the
entrenchment, having said that he had forgotten something, went back
into camp, took what he had left, and then continued his journey with
the rest; persuading himself that by his return he had discharged his
promise, and satisfied the obligation of the oath. When they arrived at
Rome, they earnestly entreated the senate not to envy them the safety
that was offered, but to suffer them to be restored to their families,
at the price of three minae for each prisoner, which was the sum that
Hannibal demanded; that they were not unworthy of this favor; that they
neither had through cowardice deserted their post in battle, nor done
anything that had brought dishonor upon the Roman name; but that having
been left to guard the camp, they had been thrown by unavoidable
necessity, after the destruction of the rest of the army, into the
power of the enemy.
The Romans were at this time weakened by repeated losses; were deserted
by almost every one of their allies; and seemed even to expect that
Rome itself would instantly be attacked; yet when they had heard the
deputies, they neither were deterred by adverse fortune from attending
to what was fit and right, nor neglected any of those measures that
were necessary to the public safety. But perceiving that the design of
Hannibal in this proceeding was both to acquire a large supply of money
and at the same time to check the ardor of his enemies in battle, by
opening to their view the means of safety, even though they should be
conquered, they were so far from yielding to this request, that they
showed no regard either to the distressed condition of their fellow
citizens, or to the services that might be expected from the prisoners:
but resolved to disappoint the hopes and frustrate the intentions of
this general, by rejecting all terms of ransom. They made a law also,
by which it was declared that the soldiers that were left must either
conquer or must die; and that no other hope of safety was reserved for
them, in case that they were conquered. After this determination they
dismissed the nine deputies, who, on account of their oath were,
willing to return, and taking the other, who had endeavored to elude by
sophistry what he had sworn, they sent him bound back to the enemy; so
that Hannibal was much less filled with joy from having vanquished the
Romans in the field, than he was struck with terror and astonishment at
the firmness and magnanimity what appeared in their deliberations.
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