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| The Reason Behind Roman Expansion |
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As one of the
decisive developments in western history, Roman expansion has invited
continual reinterpretation by historians. Polybius, who wrote his
history in order to explain to other Greeks the reasons for Roman
success, believed that after their victory over Hannibal the Romans
conceived the aim of dominating all before them and set out to achieve
it in the Second Macedonian War. If one accepts the Roman view that
they fought only "just wars"--that is, only when provoked--then Roman
conquest emerges as "one of the most important accidents in European
history," as Rome had to defend itself from threats on all sides.
Historians have suggested other motives for empire, such as a desire to
profit from war, an interest in commercial expansion, or a love of the
Greeks, who asked for protection against Hellenistic monarchs. Major
historical phenomena of this kind rarely receive final, decisive
interpretations, but several assertions may be ventured. Some of the
interpretations are anachronistic impositions on the ancient world;
ancient testimony, for example, gives no support to commercial or
mercantile explanations.
Cultural and economic interpretations seem more appropriate. Roman
culture placed a high value on success in war: virtus (courage and
qualities of leadership) was displayed, above all, in war, and the
triumph, a parade through Rome celebrating a major victory over an
enemy, was the honour most highly prized by the senatorial generals who
guided Roman decisions about war and peace. Moreover, these leaders,
and the whole Roman people, were fully aware of the increasing profits
of victory; in the 2nd century commanders and soldiers, as well as the
city itself, were enriched by the glittering booty from Africa and the
Greek East. Yet, it is rightly pointed out, Roman intervention in the
East was sporadic, not systematic, and the Romans did not annex
territory in the Balkans, Anatolia, or North Africa for more than 50
years after their initial victories. The latter point, however, is not
telling, since the Romans regarded defeated states allied to them as
part of their imperium, whether or not they were under Roman provincial
administration. The sporadic timing of the wars would seem to support
the Romans' claim that they only reacted, justly, to provocations. But
attention to the individual provocations should not blind the historian
to the larger pattern of Roman behaviour. From 218 the Romans annually
fielded major armies decade after decade. Rome was able to go to war
every year in response to provocations only because it chose to define
its interests and make alliances farther and farther afield. Polybius,
as noted, reveals how the Romans were the masters of manipulation of
circumstances to force opponents to behave in a way they could
interpret as provocative. Therefore, the Roman interpretation of "just
wars" and the Polybian interpretation of a universal aim to conquer
need not be contradictory. The concept of "just war" may have justified
any given war but does not explain the perpetual Roman readiness to go
to war. For that the historian must look to Polybius' universal aim or
to general political, social, economic, and cultural features of Rome.
Finally, it must be remembered that in some instances it was clearly
the Roman commander who provoked the war in order to plunder and to win
a triumph (e.g., Licinius Lucullus, governor of Nearer Spain, in 151).
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